More About the Port Deal
Since my first post Monday, more has come out about the Dubai Ports World deal to take over operations of six major eastern U.S. ports, plus some additional Texas terminals, apparently, at Beaumont, Corpus Christi, and the Port of Houston.
The UAE has been wise to back off and wait, rather than press to complete the deal immediately. As more facts emerge, it’s starting to look like the sale might not be as bad as it looked at first, but the U.S. is going to have to work through a whole bunch of thorny political issues. It’s amazing how many hot-button issues have managed to be bundled together in this DP World deal.
The most compelling argument in favor of the deal is that the key area for U.S. port security is actually in the overseas ports, rather than stateside. In other words, cooperation with port operations companies and foreign governments on the loading end is critical. The reality is that most ports are near major metropolitan areas, and inspection upon unloading might be too late to catch certain weapons of mass destruction, such as a nuclear device.
The U.S. has cooperative programs such as the Container Security Initiative that are designed to push the threat away from our shores. Nevertheless, it seems pointless to argue that allowing other countries to operate our ports will incur no security risk. Ownership brings access, and a lot of Americans were justifiably shocked to find out operations had already been outsourced to the extent they have.
Obviously, the outrage this sale has generated shows Americans are paying quite a bit of attention to homeland security issues and that the Bush administration’s attempt, once again, to say “simply trust us” isn’t going to work with such a sensitive domestic area.
If cooperation with foreign port operators and governments - so that manifests can be tracked and containers inspected far from our shores - is really key to port security, then the deal may represent an acceptable trade-off. Nevertheless, despite getting pretty much a free pass (and blank check) on Iraq for three years, President Bush is going to have to really make the case for how this will help security. Selling it on the basis of helping the global economy, as Michael Chertoff was reportedly doing this week, isn’t going to cut it.
In all, this is an amazingly complex political situation. Here are some additional factors deserving consideration:
- It’s still not clear exactly what DP World is “buying” in this transaction; obviously the operations of U.S. ports are not at all well understood by the public. Certainly Congress needs to take a new look at the port laws that are on the books and make sure roles and authorities are clearly and perhaps uniformly defined.
- Jimmy Carter’s quick support of the deal was puzzling. It would be easy to simply say the port deal is analogous to Carter’s giving back the Panama Canal, but consideration of Carter’s mindset about foreign affairs may shed some light on the politics. His assertion midway through his term that foreign policy was complex and beyond the understanding of the average American was what really sunk his presidency, and the current administration seems to have slipped into a similar error.
Americans instinctively grasp there’s a balance to be struck in our political system between the ideals of republic and democracy. We leave most details to elected officials (republican/representative rule) but still must know enough to judge the performance of these officials (democratic elections). When officials start wanting to leave Americans out of the loop entirely, arguing that the issues are just too complex, the people know better, and there can be a swift political backlash as happened with Carter and again this week.
Because Americans also understand the need for strong military leadership, there is more latitude given in this area to the President, but sometimes politicians presume too much from this. An example was the 1946 congressional election, when many were voted out because the country was fed up with wartime price controls that the government “experts” insisted must continue.
- The accusation that Americans are being xenophopic or even racist is way out of bounds. As long as Muslims insist on regularly blowing each other (and others) up, they’re going to have a real tough time persuading Americans they’re trustworthy. It’s hard to trust someone who seems to enjoy violence. The U.S. has fought a lot of foreign wars in the past century, but there’s always a lot of political pressure to end them and come home. We’ve got better stuff to do.
Concerning the UAE, specifically, I’m not sure banking links to terrorists mean much, and Bush’s claim of strong military and intelligence cooperation gives support to the deal. On the other hand, to argue that everyone in the UAE supports the U.S., and so can be trusted, seems quite simplistic. According to AP’s Robert Burns, “the relationship is so politically sensitive in the UAE that the Pentagon does not openly discuss details.” It also has been reported that in 2004, the most recent year’s data available, the UAE sided with the U.S. in United Nations votes only 5 times, and opposed the U.S. 67 times.
- The media deserves some of the blame here for its monolithic coverage of the Middle East. This is very frustrating but unlikely to change, so if Muslim countries want to foster understanding in the U.S. and appreciation for Muslim culture, they will probably need to do the job themselves. The fascinating magazine Saudi Aramco World is a bright spot here, providing a glimpse of these cultures that is virtually unobtainable in the U.S.
- As I noted last time, the administration has gotten worse and worse at communicating its message, at a time when clear communication and articulation of strategy is needed more than ever. Obviously, changes in the White House staff are long overdue.
Beyond that, the President needs to work a lot harder at sharing his vision of democratization of the Middle East, and be more forthcoming about what strategy, if any, he is following to get there. As I noted before, it is long past time for a real debate about our aims in the Middle East to take place in this country. It may be possible for Muslims to gain a glimpse of Western life and leave behind strife and unrest, but I suspect most, at first encounter with our culture, don’t understand its fundamentals any better than we understand theirs.
- Obviously, the failure by the Bush administration to recognize the volatile mix of terror, frustration over Iraq, outsourcing, unions, the $726 billion trade deficit, disgust with Mideast violence, and out-of-control borders, along with the casual approach it took to the deal were major political miscalculations. Bush quickly found Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, from the landlocked state of Tennessee, opposing him on the port deal.
Republicans now find themselves in the odd position of needing to avoid appearing outflanked by Democrats on the security issue, and the lax approach taken by the Treasury Dept. in approving deals may well have to go. Most of all, as I emphasized last time, Bush needs to avoid the tendency, or at least appearance, of only half-heartedly fighting a war that is still much too poorly defined.
